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<h1 class="">Over 70 Experts Call
for US to Stop Interfering in
Venezuela</h1>
<div
class="ydpd4555c4dyiv4657774961m_5291570903555133634field
ydpd4555c4dyiv4657774961m_5291570903555133634field-name-field-author">By
<span
class="ydpd4555c4dyiv4657774961m_5291570903555133634author">Collective</span></div>
<div
class="ydpd4555c4dyiv4657774961m_5291570903555133634field-name-field-teaser
ydpd4555c4dyiv4657774961m_5291570903555133634field">
<div
class="ydpd4555c4dyiv4657774961m_5291570903555133634even
ydpd4555c4dyiv4657774961m_5291570903555133634field-item">
<p class="">Noam Chomsky,
Alfred de
Zayas, Sujatha
Fernandes, Boots Riley, John
Pilger, Vijay Prashad and
many
others oppose US
interventionism in
Venezuela. The statement is
worth the
read.</p>
</div>
</div>
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<h2
class="ydpd4555c4dyiv4657774961m_5291570903555133634element-invisible">Rally
against US President
Donald Trump
in Caracas</h2>
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class="ydpd4555c4dyiv4657774961m_5291570903555133634content">
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class="ydpd4555c4dyiv4657774961m_5291570903555133634image-file
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src="https://venezuelanalysis.com/files/styles/full_content/public/images/%5Bsite-date-yyyy%5D/%5Bsite-date-mm%5D/screenshot_2019-01-24_at_5.36.48_pm.png?itok=6smCDSKr"
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<div
class="ydpd4555c4dyiv4657774961m_5291570903555133634even
ydpd4555c4dyiv4657774961m_5291570903555133634field-item">Rally against
Donald Trump in
Caracas, Venezuela.
(Ueslei
Marcelino/Reuters)</div>
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</div>
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</div>
<div
class="ydpd4555c4dyiv4657774961m_5291570903555133634submitted">Jan
24th
2019 at 5.26pm</div>
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<p class="">The
United States government
must cease interfering in
Venezuela’s internal
politics, especially for the
purpose of overthrowing the
country’s
government. Actions by the
Trump administration and its
allies in the
hemisphere are almost
certain to make the
situation in Venezuela
worse,
leading to unnecessary human
suffering, violence, and
instability.</p>
<p class="">Venezuela’s
political polarization is
not new; the country has
long been
divided along racial and
socioeconomic lines. But the
polarization has
deepened in recent years.
This is partly due to US
support for an opposition
strategy aimed at removing
the government of Nicolás
Maduro through
extra-electoral means. While
the opposition has been
divided on this
strategy, US support has
backed hardline opposition
sectors in their goal of
ousting the Maduro
government through often
violent protests, a military
coup
d’etat, or other avenues
that sidestep the ballot
box.</p>
<p class="">Under the Trump
administration, aggressive
rhetoric against the
Venezuelan
government has ratcheted up
to a more extreme and
threatening level, with
Trump administration
officials <a onclick="return
checkLinkHref(this.href);"
target="_blank"
href="http://thecenterforeconomicandpolicyres.pr-optout.com/Tracking.aspx?Data=HHL%3d9%2c83%3c%26JDG%3c%3b59%2b9%2f9%26SDG%3c90%3a.&RE=MC&RI=4718981&Preview=False&DistributionActionID=22166&Action=Follow+Link"
rel="nofollow" class=""
moz-do-not-send="true">talking</a> of
“military action” and
condemning
Venezuela, along with Cuba
and Nicaragua, as part of a
“<a onclick="return
checkLinkHref(this.href);"
target="_blank"
href="http://thecenterforeconomicandpolicyres.pr-optout.com/Tracking.aspx?Data=HHL%3d9%2c83%3c%26JDG%3c%3b59%2b9%2f9%26SDG%3c90%3a.&RE=MC&RI=4718981&Preview=False&DistributionActionID=22165&Action=Follow+Link"
rel="nofollow" class=""
moz-do-not-send="true">troika
of tyranny</a>.” Problems
resulting from Venezuelan
government policy have been <a
onclick="return
checkLinkHref(this.href);"
target="_blank"
href="http://thecenterforeconomicandpolicyres.pr-optout.com/Tracking.aspx?Data=HHL%3d9%2c83%3c%26JDG%3c%3b59%2b9%2f9%26SDG%3c90%3a.&RE=MC&RI=4718981&Preview=False&DistributionActionID=22164&Action=Follow+Link"
rel="nofollow" class=""
moz-do-not-send="true">worsened </a> by
US economic sanctions, <a
onclick="return
checkLinkHref(this.href);"
target="_blank"
href="http://thecenterforeconomicandpolicyres.pr-optout.com/Tracking.aspx?Data=HHL%3d9%2c83%3c%26JDG%3c%3b59%2b9%2f9%26SDG%3c90%3a.&RE=MC&RI=4718981&Preview=False&DistributionActionID=22163&Action=Follow+Link"
rel="nofollow" class=""
moz-do-not-send="true">illegal</a> under
the Organization of American
States and
the United Nations ― as well
as US law and other
international treaties and
conventions. These sanctions
have cut off the means by
which the Venezuelan
government could escape from
its economic recession,
while causing a
dramatic <a onclick="return
checkLinkHref(this.href);"
target="_blank"
href="http://thecenterforeconomicandpolicyres.pr-optout.com/Tracking.aspx?Data=HHL%3d9%2c83%3c%26JDG%3c%3b59%2b9%2f9%26SDG%3c90%3a.&RE=MC&RI=4718981&Preview=False&DistributionActionID=22162&Action=Follow+Link"
rel="nofollow" class=""
moz-do-not-send="true">falloff</a> in
oil production and worsening
the economic
crisis, and causing many
people to die because they
can’t get access to
life-saving medicines.
Meanwhile, the US and other
governments continue to
blame the Venezuelan
government ― solely ― for
the economic damage, even
that caused by the US
sanctions.</p>
<p class="">Now the US and its
allies, including OAS
Secretary General Luis
Almagro
and Brazil’s far-right
president, Jair Bolsonaro,
have pushed Venezuela to
the precipice. By
recognizing National
Assembly President Juan
Guaido as the
new president of Venezuela ―
something illegal under <a
onclick="return
checkLinkHref(this.href);"
target="_blank"
href="http://thecenterforeconomicandpolicyres.pr-optout.com/Tracking.aspx?Data=HHL%3d9%2c83%3c%26JDG%3c%3b59%2b9%2f9%26SDG%3c90%3a.&RE=MC&RI=4718981&Preview=False&DistributionActionID=22161&Action=Follow+Link"
rel="nofollow" class=""
moz-do-not-send="true">the
OAS Charter</a> ― the
Trump administration has
sharply
accelerated Venezuela’s
political crisis in the
hopes of dividing the
Venezuelan military and
further polarizing the
populace, forcing them to
choose sides. The obvious,
and <a onclick="return
checkLinkHref(this.href);"
target="_blank"
href="http://thecenterforeconomicandpolicyres.pr-optout.com/Tracking.aspx?Data=HHL%3d9%2c83%3c%26JDG%3c%3b59%2b9%2f9%26SDG%3c90%3a.&RE=MC&RI=4718981&Preview=False&DistributionActionID=22160&Action=Follow+Link"
rel="nofollow" class=""
moz-do-not-send="true">sometimes
stated</a> goal, is to
force Maduro out via a coup
d’etat.</p>
<p class="">The reality is
that despite hyperinflation,
shortages, and a deep
depression, Venezuela
remains a politically
polarized country. The US
and its
allies must cease
encouraging violence by
pushing for violent,
extralegal
regime change. If the Trump
administration and its
allies continue to pursue
their reckless course in
Venezuela, the most likely
result will be bloodshed,
chaos, and instability. The
US should have learned
something from its regime
change ventures in Iraq,
Syria, Libya, and its long,
violent history of
sponsoring regime change in
Latin America.</p>
<p class="">Neither side in
Venezuela can simply
vanquish the other. The
military, for
example, has at least
235,000 frontline members,
and there are at least 1.6
million in militias. Many of
these people will fight, not
only on the basis
of a belief in national
sovereignty that is widely
held in Latin America ―
in the face of what
increasingly appears to be a
US-led intervention ― but
also to protect themselves
from likely repression if
the opposition topples
the government by force.</p>
<p class="">In such
situations, the only
solution is a negotiated
settlement, as has
happened in the past in
Latin American countries
when politically polarized
societies were unable to
resolve their differences
through elections. There
have been efforts, such as <a
onclick="return
checkLinkHref(this.href);"
target="_blank"
href="http://thecenterforeconomicandpolicyres.pr-optout.com/Tracking.aspx?Data=HHL%3d9%2c83%3c%26JDG%3c%3b59%2b9%2f9%26SDG%3c90%3a.&RE=MC&RI=4718981&Preview=False&DistributionActionID=22159&Action=Follow+Link"
rel="nofollow" class=""
moz-do-not-send="true">those
led by the Vatican</a> in
the fall of 2016, that had
potential, but they received
no support from Washington
and its allies who
favored regime change. This
strategy must change if
there is to be any viable
solution to the ongoing
crisis in Venezuela.</p>
<p class="">For the sake of
the Venezuelan people, the
region, and for the
principle
of national sovereignty,
these international actors
should instead support
negotiations between the
Venezuelan government and
its opponents that will
allow the country to finally
emerge from its political
and economic
crisis.</p>
<p class="">Signed:</p>
<p class="">Noam Chomsky,
Professor Emeritus, MIT and
Laureate Professor,
University
of Arizona</p>
<p class="">Laura Carlsen,
Director, Americas Program,
Center for International
Policy</p>
<p class="">Greg Grandin,
Professor of History, New
York University</p>
<p class="">Miguel Tinker
Salas, Professor of Latin
American History and
Chicano/a
Latino/a Studies at Pomona
College</p>
<p class="">Sujatha Fernandes,
Professor of Political
Economy and Sociology,
University of Sydney</p>
<p class="">Steve Ellner,
Associate Managing Editor of
Latin American Perspectives</p>
<p class="">Alfred de Zayas,
former UN Independent Expert
on the Promotion of a
Democratic and Equitable
International Order and only
UN rapporteur to have
visited Venezuela in 21
years</p>
<p class="">Boots Riley,
Writer/Director of <em
class="">Sorry to Bother
You</em>,
Musician</p>
<p class="">John Pilger,
Journalist & Film-Maker</p>
<p class="">Mark Weisbrot,
Co-Director, Center for
Economic and Policy Research</p>
<p class="">Jared Abbott, PhD
Candidate, Department of
Government, Harvard
University</p>
<p class="">Dr. Tim Anderson,
Director, Centre for Counter
Hegemonic Studies</p>
<p class="">Elisabeth
Armstrong, Professor of the
Study of Women and Gender,
Smith
College</p>
<p class="">Alexander Aviña,
PhD, Associate Professor of
History, Arizona State
University</p>
<p class="">Marc Becker,
Professor of History, Truman
State University</p>
<p class="">Medea Benjamin,
Cofounder, CODEPINK</p>
<p class="">Phyllis Bennis,
Program Director, New
Internationalism, Institute
for
Policy Studies</p>
<p class="">Dr. Robert E.
Birt, Professor of
Philosophy, Bowie State
University</p>
<p class="">Aviva Chomsky,
Professor of History, Salem
State University</p>
<p class="">James Cohen,
University of Paris 3
Sorbonne Nouvelle</p>
<p class="">Guadalupe
Correa-Cabrera, Associate
Professor, George Mason
University</p>
<p class="">Benjamin Dangl,
PhD, Editor of Toward
Freedom</p>
<p class="">Dr. Francisco
Dominguez, Faculty of
Professional and Social
Sciences,
Middlesex University, UK</p>
<p class="">Alex Dupuy, John
E. Andrus Professor of
Sociology Emeritus, Wesleyan
University</p>
<p class="">Jodie Evans,
Cofounder, CODEPINK</p>
<p class="">Vanessa Freije,
Assistant Professor of
International Studies,
University
of Washington</p>
<p class="">Gavin Fridell,
Canada Research Chair and
Associate Professor in
International Development
Studies, St. Mary’s
University</p>
<p class="">Evelyn Gonzalez,
Counselor, Montgomery
College</p>
<p class="">Jeffrey L. Gould,
Rudy Professor of History,
Indiana University</p>
<p class="">Bret Gustafson,
Associate Professor of
Anthropology, Washington
University
in St. Louis</p>
<p class="">Peter Hallward,
Professor of Philosophy,
Kingston University</p>
<p class="">John L. Hammond,
Professor of Sociology, CUNY</p>
<p class="">Mark Healey,
Associate Professor of
History, University of
Connecticut</p>
<p class="">Gabriel Hetland,
Assistant Professor of Latin
American, Caribbean and U.S.
Latino Studies, University
of Albany</p>
<p class="">Forrest Hylton,
Associate Professor of
History, Universidad
Nacional de
Colombia-Medellín</p>
<p class="">Daniel James,
Bernardo Mendel Chair of
Latin American History</p>
<p class="">Chuck Kaufman,
National Co-Coordinator,
Alliance for Global Justice</p>
<p class="">Daniel Kovalik,
Adjunct Professor of Law,
University of Pittsburgh</p>
<p class="">Winnie Lem,
Professor, International
Development Studies, Trent
University</p>
<p class="">Dr. Gilberto López
y Rivas,
Professor-Researcher,
National University of
Anthropology and History,
Morelos, Mexico</p>
<p class="">Mary Ann Mahony,
Professor of History,
Central Connecticut State
University</p>
<p class="">Jorge Mancini,
Vice President, Foundation
for Latin American
Integration
(FILA)</p>
<p class="">Luís
Martin-Cabrera, Associate
Professor of Literature and
Latin American
Studies, University of
California San Diego</p>
<p class="">Teresa A. Meade,
Florence B. Sherwood
Professor of History and
Culture,
Union College</p>
<p class="">Frederick Mills,
Professor of Philosophy,
Bowie State University</p>
<p class="">Stephen Morris,
Professor of Political
Science and International
Relations, Middle Tennessee
State University</p>
<p class="">Liisa L. North,
Professor Emeritus, York
University</p>
<p class="">Paul Ortiz,
Associate Professor of
History, University of
Florida</p>
<p class="">Christian Parenti,
Associate Professor,
Department of Economics,
John Jay
College CUNY</p>
<p class="">Nicole Phillips,
Law Professor at the
Université de la Foundation
Dr.
Aristide Faculté des
Sciences Juridiques et
Politiques and Adjunct Law
Professor at the University
of California Hastings
College of the Law</p>
<p class="">Beatrice Pita,
Lecturer, Department of
Literature, University of
California San Diego</p>
<p class="">Margaret Power,
Professor of History,
Illinois Institute of
Technology</p>
<p class="">Vijay Prashad,
Editor, The TriContinental</p>
<p class="">Eleanora Quijada
Cervoni FHEA, Staff
Education Facilitator &
EFS
Mentor, Centre for Higher
Education, Learning &
Teaching at The
Australian National
University</p>
<p class="">Walter Riley,
Attorney and Activist</p>
<p class="">William I.
Robinson, Professor of
Sociology, University of
California,
Santa Barbara</p>
<p class="">Mary Roldan,
Dorothy Epstein Professor of
Latin American History,
Hunter
College/ CUNY Graduate
Center</p>
<p class="">Karin Rosemblatt,
Professor of History,
University of Maryland</p>
<p class="">Emir Sader,
Professor of Sociology,
University of the State of
Rio de
Janeiro</p>
<p class="">Rosaura Sanchez,
Professor of Latin American
Literature and Chicano
Literature, University of
California, San Diego</p>
<p class="">T.M. Scruggs Jr.,
Professor Emeritus,
University of Iowa</p>
<p class="">Victor Silverman,
Professor of History, Pomona
College</p>
<p class="">Brad Simpson,
Associate Professor of
History, University of
Connecticut</p>
<p class="">Jeb Sprague,
Lecturer, University of
Virginia</p>
<p class="">Christy Thornton,
Assistant Professor of
History, Johns Hopkins
University</p>
<p class="">Sinclair S.
Thomson, Associate Professor
of History, New York
University</p>
<p class="">Steven Topik,
Professor of History,
University of California,
Irvine</p>
<p class="">Stephen Volk,
Professor of History
Emeritus, Oberlin College</p>
<p class="">Kirsten Weld,
John. L. Loeb Associate
Professor of the Social
Sciences,
Department of History,
Harvard University</p>
<p class="">Kevin Young,
Assistant Professor of
History, University of
Massachusetts
Amherst</p>
<p class="">Patricio Zamorano,
Academic of Latin American
Studies; Executive Director,
InfoAmericas</p>
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Over 70 Experts Call for US to Stop
Interfering in Venezuela<br class="">
<br class="">
By Collective<br class="">
<br class="">
Noam Chomsky, Alfred de<br
class="">
Zayas, Sujatha Fernandes, Boots Riley, John
Pilger, Vijay Prashad and many<br class="">
others oppose US interventionism in Venezuela.
The statement is worth the<br class="">
read.<br class="">
<br class="">
<br class="">
<br class="">
<br class="">
<br class="">
Rally against US President Donald <br
class="">
Trump<br class="">
in Caracas<br class="">
<br class="">
<br class="">
<br class="">
<br class="">
Rally against Donald Trump in<br
class="">
Caracas, Venezuela. (Ueslei Marcelino/Reuters)<br
class="">
<br class="">
<br class="">
<br class="">
<br class="">
<br class="">
<br class="">
<br class="">
Jan 24th<br class="">
2019 at 5.26pm<br class="">
The<br class="">
United States government must cease interfering
in Venezuela’s internal<br class="">
politics, especially for the purpose of
overthrowing the country’s<br class="">
government. Actions by the Trump administration
and its allies in the<br class="">
hemisphere are almost certain to make the
situation in Venezuela worse,<br class="">
leading to unnecessary human suffering,
violence, and instability.<br class="">
Venezuela’s political polarization is not new;
the country has long been<br class="">
divided along racial and socioeconomic lines.
But the polarization has<br class="">
deepened in recent years. This is partly due to
US support for an opposition<br class="">
strategy aimed at removing the government of
Nicolás Maduro through<br class="">
extra-electoral means. While the opposition has
been divided on this<br class="">
strategy, US support has backed hardline
opposition sectors in their goal of<br class="">
ousting the Maduro government through often
violent protests, a military coup<br class="">
d’etat, or other avenues that sidestep the
ballot box.<br class="">
Under the Trump administration, aggressive
rhetoric against the Venezuelan<br class="">
government has ratcheted up to a more extreme
and threatening level, with<br class="">
Trump administration officials talking of
“military action” and condemning<br class="">
Venezuela, along with Cuba and Nicaragua, as
part of a “troika of tyranny.” Problems
resulting from Venezuelan<br class="">
government policy have been worsened by US
economic sanctions, illegal under the
Organization of American States and<br class="">
the United Nations ― as well as US law and other
international treaties and<br class="">
conventions. These sanctions have cut off the
means by which the Venezuelan<br class="">
government could escape from its economic
recession, while causing a<br class="">
dramatic falloff in oil production and worsening
the economic<br class="">
crisis, and causing many people to die because
they can’t get access to<br class="">
life-saving medicines. Meanwhile, the US and
other governments continue to<br class="">
blame the Venezuelan government ― solely ― for
the economic damage, even<br class="">
that caused by the US sanctions.<br class="">
Now the US and its allies, including OAS
Secretary General Luis Almagro<br class="">
and Brazil’s far-right president, Jair
Bolsonaro, have pushed Venezuela to<br class="">
the precipice. By recognizing National Assembly
President Juan Guaido as the<br class="">
new president of Venezuela ― something illegal
under the OAS Charter ― the Trump administration
has sharply<br class="">
accelerated Venezuela’s political crisis in the
hopes of dividing the<br class="">
Venezuelan military and further polarizing the
populace, forcing them to<br class="">
choose sides. The obvious, and sometimes
stated goal, is to force Maduro out via a coup<br
class="">
d’etat.<br class="">
The reality is that despite hyperinflation,
shortages, and a deep<br class="">
depression, Venezuela remains a politically
polarized country. The US and its<br class="">
allies must cease encouraging violence by
pushing for violent, extralegal<br class="">
regime change. If the Trump administration and
its allies continue to pursue<br class="">
their reckless course in Venezuela, the most
likely result will be bloodshed,<br class="">
chaos, and instability. The US should have
learned something from its regime<br class="">
change ventures in Iraq, Syria, Libya, and its
long, violent history of<br class="">
sponsoring regime change in Latin America.<br
class="">
Neither side in Venezuela can simply vanquish
the other. The military, for<br class="">
example, has at least 235,000 frontline members,
and there are at least 1.6<br class="">
million in militias. Many of these people will
fight, not only on the basis<br class="">
of a belief in national sovereignty that is
widely held in Latin America ―<br class="">
in the face of what increasingly appears to be a
US-led intervention ― but<br class="">
also to protect themselves from likely
repression if the opposition topples<br class="">
the government by force.<br class="">
In such situations, the only solution is a
negotiated settlement, as has<br class="">
happened in the past in Latin American countries
when politically polarized<br class="">
societies were unable to resolve their
differences through elections. There<br class="">
have been efforts, such as those led by the
Vatican in the fall of 2016, that had<br
class="">
potential, but they received no support from
Washington and its allies who<br class="">
favored regime change. This strategy must change
if there is to be any viable<br class="">
solution to the ongoing crisis in Venezuela.<br
class="">
For the sake of the Venezuelan people, the
region, and for the principle<br class="">
of national sovereignty, these international
actors should instead support<br class="">
negotiations between the Venezuelan government
and its opponents that will<br class="">
allow the country to finally emerge from its
political and economic<br class="">
crisis.<br class="">
Signed:<br class="">
Noam Chomsky, Professor Emeritus, MIT and
Laureate Professor, University<br class="">
of Arizona<br class="">
Laura Carlsen, Director, Americas Program,
Center for International<br class="">
Policy<br class="">
Greg Grandin, Professor of History, New York
University<br class="">
Miguel Tinker Salas, Professor of Latin American
History and Chicano/a<br class="">
Latino/a Studies at Pomona College<br class="">
Sujatha Fernandes, Professor of Political
Economy and Sociology,<br class="">
University of Sydney<br class="">
Steve Ellner, Associate Managing Editor of Latin
American Perspectives<br class="">
Alfred de Zayas, former UN Independent Expert on
the Promotion of a<br class="">
Democratic and Equitable International Order and
only UN rapporteur to have<br class="">
visited Venezuela in 21 years<br class="">
Boots Riley, Writer/Director of Sorry to Bother
You,<br class="">
Musician<br class="">
John Pilger, Journalist & Film-Maker<br
class="">
Mark Weisbrot, Co-Director, Center for Economic
and Policy Research<br class="">
Jared Abbott, PhD Candidate, Department of
Government, Harvard<br class="">
University<br class="">
Dr. Tim Anderson, Director, Centre for Counter
Hegemonic Studies<br class="">
Elisabeth Armstrong, Professor of the Study of
Women and Gender, Smith<br class="">
College<br class="">
Alexander Aviña, PhD, Associate Professor of
History, Arizona State<br class="">
University<br class="">
Marc Becker, Professor of History, Truman State
University<br class="">
Medea Benjamin, Cofounder, CODEPINK<br class="">
Phyllis Bennis, Program Director, New
Internationalism, Institute for<br class="">
Policy Studies<br class="">
Dr. Robert E. Birt, Professor of Philosophy,
Bowie State University<br class="">
Aviva Chomsky, Professor of History, Salem State
University<br class="">
James Cohen, University of Paris 3 Sorbonne
Nouvelle<br class="">
Guadalupe Correa-Cabrera, Associate Professor,
George Mason University<br class="">
Benjamin Dangl, PhD, Editor of Toward Freedom<br
class="">
Dr. Francisco Dominguez, Faculty of Professional
and Social Sciences,<br class="">
Middlesex University, UK<br class="">
Alex Dupuy, John E. Andrus Professor of
Sociology Emeritus, Wesleyan<br class="">
University<br class="">
Jodie Evans, Cofounder, CODEPINK<br class="">
Vanessa Freije, Assistant Professor of
International Studies, University<br class="">
of Washington<br class="">
Gavin Fridell, Canada Research Chair and
Associate Professor in<br class="">
International Development Studies, St. Mary’s
University<br class="">
Evelyn Gonzalez, Counselor, Montgomery College<br
class="">
Jeffrey L. Gould, Rudy Professor of History,
Indiana University<br class="">
Bret Gustafson, Associate Professor of
Anthropology, Washington University<br class="">
in St. Louis<br class="">
Peter Hallward, Professor of Philosophy,
Kingston University<br class="">
John L. Hammond, Professor of Sociology, CUNY<br
class="">
Mark Healey, Associate Professor of History,
University of Connecticut<br class="">
Gabriel Hetland, Assistant Professor of Latin
American, Caribbean and U.S.<br class="">
Latino Studies, University of Albany<br class="">
Forrest Hylton, Associate Professor of History,
Universidad Nacional de<br class="">
Colombia-Medellín<br class="">
Daniel James, Bernardo Mendel Chair of Latin
American History<br class="">
Chuck Kaufman, National Co-Coordinator, Alliance
for Global Justice<br class="">
Daniel Kovalik, Adjunct Professor of Law,
University of Pittsburgh<br class="">
Winnie Lem, Professor, International Development
Studies, Trent<br class="">
University<br class="">
Dr. Gilberto López y Rivas,
Professor-Researcher, National University of<br
class="">
Anthropology and History, Morelos, Mexico<br
class="">
Mary Ann Mahony, Professor of History, Central
Connecticut State<br class="">
University<br class="">
Jorge Mancini, Vice President, Foundation for
Latin American Integration<br class="">
(FILA)<br class="">
Luís Martin-Cabrera, Associate Professor of
Literature and Latin American<br class="">
Studies, University of California San Diego<br
class="">
Teresa A. Meade, Florence B. Sherwood Professor
of History and Culture,<br class="">
Union College<br class="">
Frederick Mills, Professor of Philosophy, Bowie
State University<br class="">
Stephen Morris, Professor of Political Science
and International<br class="">
Relations, Middle Tennessee State University<br
class="">
Liisa L. North, Professor Emeritus, York
University<br class="">
Paul Ortiz, Associate Professor of History,
University of Florida<br class="">
Christian Parenti, Associate Professor,
Department of Economics, John Jay<br class="">
College CUNY<br class="">
Nicole Phillips, Law Professor at the Université
de la Foundation Dr.<br class="">
Aristide Faculté des Sciences Juridiques et
Politiques and Adjunct Law<br class="">
Professor at the University of California
Hastings College of the Law<br class="">
Beatrice Pita, Lecturer, Department of
Literature, University of<br class="">
California San Diego<br class="">
Margaret Power, Professor of History, Illinois
Institute of Technology<br class="">
Vijay Prashad, Editor, The TriContinental<br
class="">
Eleanora Quijada Cervoni FHEA, Staff Education
Facilitator & EFS<br class="">
Mentor, Centre for Higher Education, Learning
& Teaching at The<br class="">
Australian National University<br class="">
Walter Riley, Attorney and Activist<br class="">
William I. Robinson, Professor of Sociology,
University of California,<br class="">
Santa Barbara<br class="">
Mary Roldan, Dorothy Epstein Professor of Latin
American History, Hunter<br class="">
College/ CUNY Graduate Center<br class="">
Karin Rosemblatt, Professor of History,
University of Maryland<br class="">
Emir Sader, Professor of Sociology, University
of the State of Rio de<br class="">
Janeiro<br class="">
Rosaura Sanchez, Professor of Latin American
Literature and Chicano<br class="">
Literature, University of California, San Diego<br
class="">
T.M. Scruggs Jr., Professor Emeritus, University
of Iowa<br class="">
Victor Silverman, Professor of History, Pomona
College<br class="">
Brad Simpson, Associate Professor of History,
University of<br class="">
Connecticut<br class="">
Jeb Sprague, Lecturer, University of Virginia<br
class="">
Christy Thornton, Assistant Professor of
History, Johns Hopkins<br class="">
University<br class="">
Sinclair S. Thomson, Associate Professor of
History, New York<br class="">
University<br class="">
Steven Topik, Professor of History, University
of California, Irvine<br class="">
Stephen Volk, Professor of History Emeritus,
Oberlin College<br class="">
Kirsten Weld, John. L. Loeb Associate Professor
of the Social Sciences,<br class="">
Department of History, Harvard University<br
class="">
Kevin Young, Assistant Professor of History,
University of Massachusetts<br class="">
Amherst<br class="">
Patricio Zamorano, Academic of Latin American
Studies; Executive Director,<br class="">
InfoAmericas<br class="">
<br class="">
<br class="">
<br class="">
Topics:<br class="">
International<br class="">
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Attribution<br class="">
Non-commercial No Derivatives Creative Commons
license<br class="">
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